It was on the dawn of 23rd July 1983…. There were some shadowy figures lying in ambush behind a huge ‘mara’ tree at spot between Thirunelveli junction and the Agricultural College along Jaffna-Palaly road. Some prominent tigers including Prabakaran, Mahaththaya, Ragu and Sellakkili were among them.

Just as a military truck was approaching a land-mine exploded deafeningly. Gun shots too followed. Thirteen army men lost their lives on the spot while from the tigers side, only Sellakkili was killed. Immediately the surrounding area became strangely quiet.

This explosion marked the very first land-mine blast in Sri Lanka!

Various rumours spread throughout the peninsula making people panicky. Tension began to creep into their minds as to what would happen the next day. But none of them ever thought that this would result in blood shed changing the course of the country’s history.

With the break of day, army personnel from Palaly, Jaffna Fort and Gurunagar camps came out with a vengeance, firing wildly. Children, elders, women and youth, irrespective of their ages, were killed while hundreds of civilians were wounded. The memories of that horror, after 16 years, still haunt us.

July 24th, toward afternoon, the environs of Kanatte cemetery looked deserted. The few who moved around wore grim faces. Sensing some danger, Tamils in that area felt alarmed with their eyes fixed on the street.

Around 3.00 pm that day the bodies of 13 soldiers arrived at Kanatte.

As soon as the bodies were cremated unidentified elements got off vehicles. They were none other than associates of Christopher Jayathilake – a close associate of former minister Cyril Mathew. They were members of the UNP’s Jathika Sevaka Sangamaya branch of the Kelani tyre factory.

Around 4.30 pm that day riots broke out at Borella junction with shops belonging to Tamils being attacked and set on fire. Those Tamils who were caught unaware on the streets were brutally assaulted. Some were bundled into vehicles never to return alive. Towards evening that day (by 7 pm) tension eased to some extent in the Borella area with armed policemen being seen around.

TV and radio news, that evening, reported there were certain incidents in the Borella area prompted by emotionally charged mobs over the death of 13 army men. That night turned out to be a hell for Tamils indeed.

Today many politicians and political analysts have conveniently forgotten the horror of that July night. But deeper analyses have revealed startling facts relating to this tragedy.

The people were largely dissatisfied by acts committed by the J. R. Jayawardene govt from 1977 to 1982, which year the scandalous presidential election was held. UNP leaders including J. R. Jayawardene repeatedly said that there was a conspiracy to topple the then government and they further alleged that the Indian Naxalites had a hand in that conspiracy.

Then Minister Anandatissa de Alwis, speaking on this in parliament said, that this conspiracy was aimed at creating dissension first between Tamils and Sinhalese and then between Muslims and Sinhalese and finally among the Sinhalese themselves. He even appeared on TV on 31st July 83 and reiterated the same plot.

At that time nobody was able to comprehend that this conspiracy was hatched by no person other than the government itself.

The J. R. government which foresaw a strong threat from the public over their reign of terror, had to do something to overcome that increasing opposition. This mentality on the part of J. R. government resulted in the plan which erupted in the form of the July ‘83 riots. Four ministers from that govt – who took on active part in this riot, are no more. Three of them suffered untimely deaths by bomb blasts and gun fire while only one died a natural death.

Two former MPs are still prominent in the UNP, one being from Colombo and the other from the Kurunegala district. Both their names and that of one of the four ministers mentioned earlier, begin with the same letter.

The secret plan consisted of the following features:

Notorious thugs selected from the Jathika Sevaka Sangamaya were to be in charge of this plan. They were to be provided with maps of major towns in the South – where Tamils lived in large numbers, details about Hindu temples, schools, business places and voters’ list relating to Tamils.

The purpose of this plan was to launch a sudden attack to destroy the properties belonging to Tamils while torturing them physically – all within a matter of a few days.

Yet they made it a point not to murder or rape Tamils except where the person concerned resisted. In that case he woud be killed to deter others.

The whole drama should not have resembled a clash against Tamils by Sinhalese. Instead it was to give the impression of a planned attack by some shadowy groups.

In selecting members for the group and when assigning duties to them, care was taken that they should be unfamiliar with the area they were posted to. The attack was to be launched and completed within a specified period. This happened to be the initial stage of the plan. It was said that this was briefed to some trusted personnel in the forces after it was scrutinised and approved by J.R.

After this, all of them were eagerly awaiting a proper time to launch the plot.

The late Lalith Athulathmudali was the then Food Minister. Ample stocks of food items were picked up at CWE retail shops to face any kind of food shortage that might have occurred in the city during the anticipated disturbance. Plan within plan

Once the initial stages of the plan were flashed out they wanted another aspect also to be included. It was the planned murder of those political prisoners whose cases were in the process of completion. The modus operandi to be adopted for this dastardly act was explained to the ministers by the officials concerned. One of the strategies was an amendment to the Anti-Terrorism Law of 1979, whereby Army and police officers were empowered to shoot at prisoners who attempted to flee.

At that time there was ample evidence against suspects like Kuttimany, Thengathurai and Jegan belonging to TELO. But evidence against Dr. Rajasundaram, members of the Gandhian Movement and several other youths were not strong enough for their prosecution. The prison officials were aware of their early release and they wanted to finish them off before they were released.

Fifty eight Tamil detainees including Dr. Rajasundaram who were kept in the heavily guarded Panagoda camp were transferred in batches to Welikada prison from 3rd, 6th and 14th June ‘83. Already there were more than 70 Tamil suspects at Welikada Prison.

The very group which planned the attacks on Tamils also gave permission to attack and kill the Tamils in prison without any hesitation. But this group was very careful not to tarnish the image of the then government. Towards this end they planned out another strategy. Minor change in the plan

It was envisaged that the Tamil prisoners should be murdered by fellow Sinhala prisoners who were members of the underworld and were loyal to the UNP hierarchy. These underworld characters were provided with a list of Tamil prisoners in advance. After these murders were carried out, security forces were expected to enter prison cells under the pretext of saving these Tamil prisoners.

At this juncture, notorious underground character Gonawela Sunil was selected for the task. He was none other than a criminal who was convicted of having raped a 14-year-old girl and later released on a presidential amnesty before the 1982 presidential election. Shortly he became a close associate of Ranil Wickremesinghe.

This very Gonawela Sunil agreed to execute the plan by sending his trusted colleagues into the prison with the name list. Higher officials attached to the prison allowed their entry.

The chief store-keeper of the prison was entrusted with this task. He was later given several promotions. He had been a close friend of Minister Cyril Mathew as well.

By noon of 25th July mobs arrived in Colombo city and weapons needed for them were unloaded from vehicles. These weapons were distributed in certain areas by the respective UNP party offices.

The attack got underway at noon of 25th July and was over by the dawn of the 26th as planned. Simultaneously the attack on Tamil prisoners, too, was carried out successfully between 2 and 5 pm, same day. The entire operation was narrated to the ministerial team throughout the night of July 25th. The mob left the scene by next day morning.

Areas like Kegalle, Kandy, Matale and Kurunegala were attacked in the same manner on 26th July around 11.00 a.m. Subsequent to the attacks in Colombo and Kandy, security forces started manning the areas. People in those areas were unable to identify the attackers. Though the Sinhalese of these areas were scared of the security forces, they began to loot following tacit approval by the forces. Local thugs, too, went on the rampage with communal slogans. They didn’t spare even the innocent Tamils on the street. The failure to impose a curfew at the right time gave the rioters the proper opportunity. The Sinhalese who dared rescue the Tamils were also threatened.

The mob, having finished their task in Kandy, left in two groups for Dambulla, Polonnaruwa, Anuradhapura and Gampola, Nawalapitiya, Thalawakale via Nuwara-Eliya and Badulla.

These areas were subjected to serious attacks on 27th, 28th July.

Former Minister Gamini Dissanayake arrived at Nuwara Eliya town on 27th July. By then several goons were taken into custody by the police at the instance of Herath Ranasinghe in anticipation of possible attacks.

Minister Gamini Dissanayake, on his arrival, summoned a meeting of party supporters. Later on the destiny of Nuwara Eliya began to change with the goons being released. The entire Nuwara Eliya town was in flames. Tamils were attacked on sight. Considerable number of them were assaulted and killed at various places. It was highly puzzling that the government and the president didn’t respond to the need of the hour. Instead it became clear within a few days that they were hatching another plan to ban the two major left parties and also to oust the Tamil party totally from Parliament.

Then president’s interview with the Daily Telegraph of 83/7/18 clearly indicated his frame of mind. In that interview he went to say: “I am not in a position to worry about the opinions of the Jaffna people. Presently we can’t afford to concentrate on them. Further I can’t imagine their plight or what they think of us.”

Exactly on 29th July, there was a big commotion in Colombo city with rumour of Tigers entering. Then only the army seemed to be alerted to the situation. They opened fire in the air to disperse the mob who were still looting. After all these had happened over five days. The curfew was announced as already planned.

The government, being delighted over the success of their plan, tried to bring the situation under control. But it was not that easy for them to do so since the communalism which had been aroused for years, had erupted during this period.

Assuming that the government had given the approval to attack Tamils, several groups based in villages and towns also went around assaulting Tamils and forcing them to leave their residences. These thugs apparently got the blessings of the politicians and security personnel.

Finally the UNP leaders including JR, appeared on TV on July 29 ‘83 and addressed the nation. Those leaders said: “There is a limit to the patience and forbearance of the majority Sinhalese community,” thus they started the present civil war, hurting the sentiments of the Tamils horribly.

Translated by A. H. M. Farook & S. M. Jamaldeen

Courtesy: Daily News, Saturday 24, July 1999